Myanmar military – Tatmadaw – took control of the government on February 1, 2021 citing details of voter fraud that resulted in nearly ten million fraudulent votes. Even a lay person with a minimal understanding of math could deduce there had to be some significant errors. In the 2015 elections, 21 million people voted. In the 2020 elections the number of people voted – according to the UEC – Union Elections Commission – was nearly 39 million. In a country with a population of just over 50 million and all under 18 not being allowed to vote, the demographics definitely do not support this!
One could not possibly assume 100% of all eligible voters voted; this assumption itself is not even worth an ounce of flesh as there was a campaign for no vote for this election and fear of COVID infection forced many elderly to avoid going to the voting stations.
Yet, the NLD government and the UEC refused to investigate further into this allegation. Numerous formal and informal requests were made by Tatmadaw and senior general Min Aung Hlaing. Eventually on the evening of January 31, Aung San Su Kyi (ASSK) challenged the Generals to either give NLD power for the next five years or allow the country to disintegrate. Tatmadaw had no choice.
From February 2, after the detention of key NLD ministers and executive committee members, demonstrations and destructions started. Within this month of February, the truth unfolded when the veil of democracy was dropped to expose an agenda for dictatorship and Khmer Rouge style propaganda. The so-called democratic style of governance by ASSK was evidenced from the beginning.
Like most dictators, ASSK fostered the idea that she represented the people. Her underlings till today, use the term ‘People’s Leader’ to quote her. Just like Mussolini in his heydays, she was wary of other people, including her own ministers and popular party members and would not hesitate to remove them, should there be a hint of insubordination. E.g., Dr Thet Thet Khine. Realizing that their own survival depended on the myth of this great leader, other party hardcores and supporters joined the chorus, portraying ASSK as a miracle leader, who is almost ‘divine’. Yet this is insufficient to stay in her good books; kilos of gold have to be given to her as bribes to continue to remain in powerful positions, as evidenced by statements from the Ex Yangon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein and U Mg Weight, one powerful tycoon.
Just like Hitler, ASSK gave careful thought as to how she should represent herself to the outside world. During her five year reign, her fashion never repeated, as one ASEAN senior diplomat observed. How she was a leader at world stage was meticulously choreographed. Just like Hitler, her portraits were everywhere. Even during the demonstrations, the core team of NLD backers emphasized on producing various posters of herself. Her words were also everywhere, published in government and pro NLD newspapers such as 7-Day, etc. Her quotations also flooded social media and only toned down after these became targets of regular jokes and satire due to her party and the government’s inability to fulfill almost every single election promise.
Just like the communist party under Stalin, NLD was now sacrosanct. The party line was presented as a mystical will that was beyond debate. Party over government. Other than a close circuit of cronies and keyboard curse/swear warriors, ASSK hardly met people after her 2015 elections. Even the ministers are not expected to telephone her or talk to her directly. Any one who dares to question her was either purged or removed. Every single minor decision requires her approval, from lease agreement of government properties to whether Covid and government restrictions during Covid is to be considered a force majeure. Ministers are too afraid to make decisions on their own risking her wrath.
Trying to emulate her late father, ASSK held a second Pinglong conference with the hope of sealing peace deals with the remaining Armed Ethnic Organizations (AEO). Compared to the Thein Sein administration record of signing peace agreements with eleven AEOs, ASSK just signed only a peace agreement with one AEO during her five years of government. Just like Mao Zedong, who broke promises made ‘On New Democracy’ one by one, ASSK also reduced civil liberties one by one; from having ten times more suits by government under Article 66D of Communications Law (cf precious five years) to having only approved only one carefully selected international election observer (compared to nearly a hundred during 2015 elections).
Corruptions were also rampant. Previously under table payments were perhaps made to a key individual or directly who would then handle the equitable distribution of such funds. Under NLD times, such payments had to be made to many individuals who were asking for such payments openly; no one wants to be accused of taking bribes yet all were essentially corrupt. The anti-corruption commission was asked specifically not to investigate wrong doings of ministers. E.g., Finance Minister Dr Kyaw Win.
Anyone who had expressed reservations about the administration were digitally hunted down and cowed through cyber bullying. Any journalist who dared to report bad economic performance was shamed digitally and swore and cursed through social networks. In the name of democracy, the country is heading towards dictatorship, under ASSK.
Now with a military controlled government, hopefully those who are responsible for defrauding the country, treason and mis-use of government funds, would be charged soonest possible. Because of CDM, social punishment and cyber bullying, the country is now seriously divided, friends become foes, with unity forever cracked. It may take less than a year for the economy to pick up, yet it would be many years before the wounds from this event are healed. When history is written, there would be one key individual, having won a Nobel Prize, yet did very little to achieve peace and reconciliation in Myanmar.
One could not possibly assume 100% of all eligible voters voted; this assumption itself is not even worth an ounce of flesh as there was a campaign for no vote for this election and fear of COVID infection forced many elderly to avoid going to the voting stations.
Yet, the NLD government and the UEC refused to investigate further into this allegation. Numerous formal and informal requests were made by Tatmadaw and senior general Min Aung Hlaing. Eventually on the evening of January 31, Aung San Su Kyi (ASSK) challenged the Generals to either give NLD power for the next five years or allow the country to disintegrate. Tatmadaw had no choice.
From February 2, after the detention of key NLD ministers and executive committee members, demonstrations and destructions started. Within this month of February, the truth unfolded when the veil of democracy was dropped to expose an agenda for dictatorship and Khmer Rouge style propaganda. The so-called democratic style of governance by ASSK was evidenced from the beginning.
Like most dictators, ASSK fostered the idea that she represented the people. Her underlings till today, use the term ‘People’s Leader’ to quote her. Just like Mussolini in his heydays, she was wary of other people, including her own ministers and popular party members and would not hesitate to remove them, should there be a hint of insubordination. E.g., Dr Thet Thet Khine. Realizing that their own survival depended on the myth of this great leader, other party hardcores and supporters joined the chorus, portraying ASSK as a miracle leader, who is almost ‘divine’. Yet this is insufficient to stay in her good books; kilos of gold have to be given to her as bribes to continue to remain in powerful positions, as evidenced by statements from the Ex Yangon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein and U Mg Weight, one powerful tycoon.
Just like Hitler, ASSK gave careful thought as to how she should represent herself to the outside world. During her five year reign, her fashion never repeated, as one ASEAN senior diplomat observed. How she was a leader at world stage was meticulously choreographed. Just like Hitler, her portraits were everywhere. Even during the demonstrations, the core team of NLD backers emphasized on producing various posters of herself. Her words were also everywhere, published in government and pro NLD newspapers such as 7-Day, etc. Her quotations also flooded social media and only toned down after these became targets of regular jokes and satire due to her party and the government’s inability to fulfill almost every single election promise.
Just like the communist party under Stalin, NLD was now sacrosanct. The party line was presented as a mystical will that was beyond debate. Party over government. Other than a close circuit of cronies and keyboard curse/swear warriors, ASSK hardly met people after her 2015 elections. Even the ministers are not expected to telephone her or talk to her directly. Any one who dares to question her was either purged or removed. Every single minor decision requires her approval, from lease agreement of government properties to whether Covid and government restrictions during Covid is to be considered a force majeure. Ministers are too afraid to make decisions on their own risking her wrath.
Trying to emulate her late father, ASSK held a second Pinglong conference with the hope of sealing peace deals with the remaining Armed Ethnic Organizations (AEO). Compared to the Thein Sein administration record of signing peace agreements with eleven AEOs, ASSK just signed only a peace agreement with one AEO during her five years of government. Just like Mao Zedong, who broke promises made ‘On New Democracy’ one by one, ASSK also reduced civil liberties one by one; from having ten times more suits by government under Article 66D of Communications Law (cf precious five years) to having only approved only one carefully selected international election observer (compared to nearly a hundred during 2015 elections).
Corruptions were also rampant. Previously under table payments were perhaps made to a key individual or directly who would then handle the equitable distribution of such funds. Under NLD times, such payments had to be made to many individuals who were asking for such payments openly; no one wants to be accused of taking bribes yet all were essentially corrupt. The anti-corruption commission was asked specifically not to investigate wrong doings of ministers. E.g., Finance Minister Dr Kyaw Win.
Anyone who had expressed reservations about the administration were digitally hunted down and cowed through cyber bullying. Any journalist who dared to report bad economic performance was shamed digitally and swore and cursed through social networks. In the name of democracy, the country is heading towards dictatorship, under ASSK.
Now with a military controlled government, hopefully those who are responsible for defrauding the country, treason and mis-use of government funds, would be charged soonest possible. Because of CDM, social punishment and cyber bullying, the country is now seriously divided, friends become foes, with unity forever cracked. It may take less than a year for the economy to pick up, yet it would be many years before the wounds from this event are healed. When history is written, there would be one key individual, having won a Nobel Prize, yet did very little to achieve peace and reconciliation in Myanmar.
